LITHUANIAN QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
Volume 22, No.1 - Spring 1976
Editors of this issue: J.A. Račkauskas
Copyright © 1976 LITUANUS Foundation, Inc.
EDUCATION IN LITHUANIA PRIOR TO THE DISSOLUTION OF THE JESUIT ORDER (1773)
J. A. RAČKAUSKAS
Chicago State University
In Europe the establishment of schools and developments in education were concurrent with the spread of Christianity. In the Middle Ages up to the XIIIth century, all levels of schools were being maintained in close union with churches and monasteries. For the most part, these schools served the needs of the Church. During the XIIth and the XIVth centuries secular schools were established in Western Europe. The new types of schools established after 1200 were the Chantry schools, the Guild schools and the Burgher schools. Later the developing towns began to establish more advanced municipal schools for the town people. The native languages were taught in the municipal schools, while this was not always the case in the church schools.
The church schools were first established in diocesan centers in association with the cathedral. The establishment of cathedral schools received impetus from a decree by Pope Eugenius II in 853, which stated that schools should be established in association with Cathedrals. There, boys should be taught grammar and other liberal arts.1 However due to a shortage of funds, the implementation of that decree did not take place until the end of the XIIth century. It was only after the Third Council of the Lateran held in 1179 that the bishops were given the responsibility of funding the cathedral schools and their teachers.2 Thus the cathedral schools became established in the Christian world.
In the earlier Middle Ages, when there were no universities, the cathedral schools were the main centers of higher education where the clergy and the educated laymen received their education. In theory, these schools were open to all youths, even those not candidates for the priesthood, but in practice the main purpose of these schools was to prepare priests for work in parishes and elsewhere. Thus, aside from the seven liberal arts, there was also the study of the Holy Scripture, the Fathers of the Church, and the liturgy. The seven liberal arts made up a seven year curriculum consisting of two levels: (1) Trivium consisting of grammar, rhetoric, and dialectics and (2) the Quadrivium, which contained mathematics, geometry, astrology, and music.3 The educational subjects had a wider scope than they do now, for example: grammar included not only Latin grammar, but the grammar of other languages as well (i.e., Greek, Hebrew). Reading and writing also belonged to the study of grammar. The study of music included other areas of art, such as sketching and sculpture; geometry also took in elementary geography. In the cathedral schools, as well as in the monastery schools, the Trivium and Quadrivium programs were not noted for their depth. Arithmetic took in only the four functions of mathematics since the Roman numerals hindered more advanced mathematical studies; astronomy which was included in the quadrivium program was intermeshed with astrology providing only the basics necessary to use the calendar. Music was limited to hymns which were sung in church or during burial services. The strongest subject was the study of Latin and the works of the Latin authors. Furthermore, Latin was also the language in which all the subjects were taught. Penmanship was an important subject at that time, since, until the invention of the printing press, the monasteries transcribed calligraphically the Holy Scripture, and other religious books. Even after the advent of printing, various documents were handwritten. The quality of the cathedral schools varied: some were close to the elementary school level, others resembled high schools. For example, of the fourteen Polish cathedral schools during the XIV and XV centuries, only two (Gniez and Brezlav) offered the entire seven year curriculum, while the rest did not differ much from the elementary schools of the larger towns.4
A. Schools in Lithuania during the Pre-Jesuit Era.*
In Lithuania, as in other European countries, the establishment of schools followed the acceptance of Christianity. Records have not been found to indicate that formal schooling existed in Lithuania before the acceptance of Christianity in 1387. Judging from the complexity of certain archeological remains, it appears that some type of organized educational practice did exist prior to the feudal period.5 This educational practice centered around the transmission, from one generation to the next, of complex production techniques for a variety of tools, art forms, and craft items. Through the examination of folktales and folklore it appears that some type of organized initiation activities existed to introduce younger members into the society.6
Education in feudal Lithuania can be divided into two broad forms, which appear to transcend Lithuanian educational history. These broad forms are (1) folk culture centered pedagogy7 and (2) school centered pedagogy. These two forms seem to be at constant odds, especially during periods of cultural stress. Folk culture centered pedagogy can be defined as that educational activity which takes place within the confines of the home, family, and the immediate societal group and attempts to (1) maintain and transmit the cultural heritage; (2) retain a common language of discourse; and (3) keep a common object of social allegiance.8 The school centered pedagogy is that activity which occurs within the confines of a formal school setting and is exclusive of the home. It may or it may not attempt to reach the same goals as the folk culture centered pedagogy.
Lithuanian society, as all medieval European societies, was divided into distinct social classes. Education in feudal Lithuania corresponded to the class system. The nobility and gentry underwent some type of educational experience which can best be labeled as a socialization process.9 The serfs on the other hand were consciously or unconsciously concerned with the transmission of the folk culture. The serfs were not concerned with the values and skills which befitted the gentleman-warrior.
During the reign of Gediminas (1316 -1341) monks of the Dominican and Franciscan orders served as secretaries to the Grand Duke.10 They did not establish any schools or become involved in educational matters.11 Schools in Lithuania were established in churches and monasteries only after the acceptance of Christianity in 1387 and in Samogitia in 1417.
Christianity was introduced into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania by the efforts of Vytautas the Great, Grand Duke of Lithuania, and Jogaila, the King of Poland. Two dioceses were established: the Vilnius diocese in 1388 with its center in Vilnius, and the Samogitia diocese in 1417 near Varniai.
The first school in Lithuania was established in Vilnius at St. Stanislovas Cathedral prior to 1397.12 This school was already mentioned in 1397 by Bishop Andrius Vosylius (Wasilla) in a document which delineated the boundaries of certain gift properties.13 Also, in 1397 the bishop ordered that the school's teacher be paid a salary. The educational program may have been similar to that of most Polish cathedral schools, with Trivium and Quadrivium programs. The school program should have consisted of reading, writing, arithmetic, Latin, as well as the Holy Scriptures, liturgy, and hymn singing. The program it appears was preparing students for the priesthood.14 From 1397 to the first quarter of the XVIth century no new schools were established in Vilnius. One of the primary reasons for this may be the privilege given by the Grand Duke to the St. Stanislovas School. The privilege specified that no new schools were to be established in Vilnius. Later, in 1452, the first higher school in Vilnius evolved from this cathedral school when Kazimieras Jogailaitis provided more funds for its operation via taxation of the city's taverns.15 In 1522, Jonas the Bishop of Vilnius, enlarged the school to include three classes, determined the number of lessons and enlarged the curriculum to include rhetoric, dialectics, music and the German language.16 Bishop Jonas also appointed a guardian who supervised the teachers. The first supervisor of instructions was Father Jokubas Stasevskis from Krakow. This higher cathedral school had the responsibility of preparing more Lithuanian priests, who after graduation, were sent to the University of Krakow to complete their theological studies.
Šapoka indicates that a second school must have existed in Vilnius at the Franciscan Monastery.17 An entry made in 1429 in the Krakow University register indicates that a Brother Gregora, a lecturer from the Vilnius Franciscan Monastery, was in attendance.18 Karbowiak attempts to prove that a school also existed in Trakai, because the Krakow University register has 5 students registered from Trakai in 1432. Besides these five and the one from Vilnius, Krakow University also had four students who were "from Lithuania" and one from Giedraičiai.19 From these entries in the Krakow University register it can be hypothesized that there had to be more than one school in Lithuania. Lietuvos Metrika indicates that Vytautas (1409-VI-25), in giving various buildings to the pastor of Trakai, specified that one half of the properties were to be used by the Church of the Visitation and the other by the school.20 No information can be found to determine the type of school it was or when this school was established. Šapoka agrees with Karbowiak and maintains that during the period under discussion, there were at least two schools in Lithuania one in Vilnius and one in Trakai.21
In 1513, a second school was established at St. John's parish church in Vilnius. This school was different from the other parish schools in that it was supported by the pastor and the city government. At this school, along with the church related subjects, the curriculum consisted of Latin, arithmetic, letter and document writing. This school prepared students for work not only for the church but for the city administration. The school eventually became a secondary school and by the middle of the XVI century its curriculum offerings were expanded.22 For example, in 1563 Peter Roizijus, a noted lawyer, began to teach Roman, Magdeburg and Lithuanian Law. Also, Latin, Greek, and the German languages were added to the curriculum. This school was called an academy, even though it did not yet equal a higher school.23
The Synod of the Vilnius Diocese in 1527 -1528 ordered all pastors to establish schools in their parishes, and to maintain the schools.24 The Synod instructed all, that "good education, wholesome habits, basic morality and Catholic truths" be taught in the schools. Reading, writing, and counting was taught in Lithuanian and Polish. The more able students were taught Latin, Holy Scripture, liturgical customs, and hymns. Only boys were taught and most came from gentry or burgher families. In the more well-to-do parishes, schools buildings were constructed that consisted of more than one room. The schools housed the teacher's living quarters as well as a classroom. Other parishes had a room within the rectory and the pastor or the organist actually did the teaching.25 In these parish schools, instruction consisted of reading, writing, and arithmetic. Instruction was conducted in Lithuanian and Polish.
Kurczewski maintains that around the year 1526, there were 156 schools in the diocese of Vilnius.26 It is unclear where Kurczewski found that great a number of schools, since it is difficult even to ascertain the existence of a school in Vilnius at that time. The same number of schools is given by Balinski in his book Dawna Akademja Wilenska.27 If this is true, then the number of parishes in the diocese should not have been smaller. It is normally agreed that at the end of the XV century there were 91 churches in the diocese of Vilnius. Gidžiūnas claims that during the first half of the XVI century (up to 1565) 103 new churches were built in the Diocese of Vilnius. Thus, there should have been a total of 194 churches in the diocese of Vilnius.28 Kurczewski's claim could, therefore, be correct. But, Gimbutas in his study "Lietuvos Bažnyčių Chronologija ir Statistika," gives a chronological list of churches built in Lithuania. He lists 199 churches built in Lithuania prior to the year 1526.29 Therefore, the figures presented by Kurczewski and Balinski are slightly exaggerated since Gimbutas listed all churches built in both Vilnius and the Samogitian Diocese.
We can see from the Acts of the Vilnius Capitulary in the XVI century, that there were schools not only associated with the cathedral and churches in Vilnius, but also with churches in the entire diocese. Very few facts can be found about these schools.30 It is evident that the founding and maintaining of schools was encouraged by the Grand Duke Žygimantas. In his order to the pastor of Semeliškės in 1511 he specifically orders the pastor to hire a Lithuanian speaking priest, and to maintain a school.31 It is probable that this type of order may have also pertained to other parishes as well. We can surmise that even before the Synod of Vilnius in 1528, during which there was an order issued to all pastors to establish schools and build school buildings, that there were similar orders from individual bishops.
The first school in Žemaitija (Samogitia) was founded in the town of Varniai by Bishop Motiejus II in 1469; it was a cathedral school.32 Bishop M. Valančius in Žemaičių Vyskupystė writes that a landlord Bartošinas founded a school in Tauragė in 1507, and that local pastors founded schools in Joniškis, in 1530, and in Jurbarkas in 1557.33 Reading, writing and religion were taught there, and the Polish language was taught as well.34 Other schools were established in Žiežmariai in 1520, and Eišiškės in 1524.
B. Influences of the Protestant Reformation
Interest in Lithuanian peasantry was developed and furthered by a group of Lithuanian humanist scholars who were educated in the universities of Western Europe. One of the first Lithuanian humanists was Abraham Kulvietis - Culvensis (1510 -1545).35 The only son in a rich noble family, he was able to attend a number of Western European universities. In the process, he became acquainted with a number of famous humanists and reformers of the age. At Louvain, Kulvietis studied classics under Erasmus. Notwithstanding the fact that students from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were forbidden to attend Protestant universities, Kulvietis, at the urging of Herzog Albert of Prussia, enrolled in 1537 at the University of Wittenberg. At Wittenberg, Kulvietis attended lectures given by Luther. In 1537, Kulvietis received the Doctor of Law degree at the University of Siena.36
In 1539, Kulvietis opened the first school of higher learning in Vilnius.37 The purpose of this school was to teach Latin and Greek to students who were preparing for the studies abroad. Such a school was in great demand because of the established practice of sending sons abroad for the purpose of advancing their education. Apart from Kulvietis, other Lithuanian humanists who taught at the school were Jurgis Zablockis, Stanislovas Rapolionis and Martynas Mažvydas.38 These individuals were the first advocates of Protestant ideas in Lithuania. It was a question of time before the school was condemned for heresy. The decree of King Žygimantas condemned Kulvietis and his followers and reaffirmed the power of the Bishop of Vilnius to try and sentence the heretics.39 This order also prohibited study abroad, but did little to stop it and had to be later retracted.40 The most popular universities abroad were the institutions of higher learning of Leipzig, Wittenberg, Heidelberg, and Leiden. Although the University of Krakow was designated to be the university for the sons of Lithuanian nobility, it was unpopular and "most of the Lithuanians who went to Krakow were those planning to make careers in the Church."41
Most of the Lithuanian students who studied abroad returned home as Protestants. It had become almost fashionable to return from study in Germany or some other country as a "heretic" or advocate of a condemned doctrine. In a short span of time, a large number of aristocratic families in Lithuania became Protestant.42 These Protestant families occupied the most responsible positions in the state. In the war with Ivan the Terrible of Livonia (1560 - 1571) the dependable and able leaders were Protestants. The rise of Protestants to high positions in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania created a tolerant atmosphere which was favorable to the spread and growth of Protestantism.43
From the very beginning, the Reformation in Lithuania was basically a movement of the nobility which had no intention of upsetting the existing feudal order. It was supported and spread, first of all, by the large magnates who then attracted the lesser nobility. Up to the middle of the sixteenth century, Lutheranism was strong in Lithuania. Afterwards, Calvinism became the dominant Protestant denomination. The greatest supporter and protector of Calvinism in Lithuania was Prince Mikalojus Radvila the Black (1515 - 1565) a powerful figure in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.44 He occupied the important positions of Grand Marshall and Chancellor of the Grand Duchy, and was also the Voivoda of the City of Vilnius. Prince Radvila did not spare his wealth in establishing a printing press in 1553 in Brest-Litovsk, and publishing expensive Calvinist books, like the Brest-Litovsk Bible of 1563.45 It must be pointed out, that neither Radvila, nor other Calvinist nobles, showed much concern for printing books in the Lithuanian language. First of all, the language of most by this time was Polish, and secondly, books were published not only for nobles in ethnic Lithuania, but for the entire Grand Duchy.46
While Calvinism in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was basically a movement of the nobility, Lutheranism was much more democratically orientated, showing a great deal of concern for the plight of the backward Lithuanian peasantry. Attempts to reach the peasantry produced in 1547, the first printed book in Lithuanian language a significant event in the history of Lithuanian education and culture.
The position of the scholars who were forced to flee from Lithuania is explained by Kulvietis in an open letter he wrote to Bona Sforza, Queen of Poland and Grand Duchess of Lithuania:
There are many Lithuanian subjects of your highness, very well educated, who could be useful to the state, but being afraid of their fate, have settled in Germany. Some of them were taken under the protection of the enlightened Herzog of Prussia and several other princes. The enlightened Herzog, not afraid of great expense, established an excellent school and attracted many educated people by paying the professors thousands of florins and giving free board to many poor students. He wants me to be rector of this school. Therefore, if there is no room for me in the realm of your highness, I will accept this offer. But most gracious mistress, it is painful, that wanting to work for our own people, we have to work for others.47
Kulvietis, in his letter to Bona pointed out that the number of Lithuanian scholars and teachers who were forced to flee the Grand Duchy of Lithuania because of their protestant views was fairly large. Of more significance is the fact that these scholars were still deeply concerned with the plight of the Lithuanian people especially the peasants who were only semichristianized and in many cases still pagans. It is not surprising, therefore, that the first book printed in the Lithuanian language was a catechism.
Although the first printed Lithuanian book, the Cathechism by Martynas Mažvydas, was published in Prussia,48 it was written for the Lithuanians of the Grand Duchy. The dedication of the Cathechism reads: "To the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, fortunate land of great leaders, famous Lithuania, accept with pure hearts the words of God." 49
The preface of the Cathechism, addressed to the ministers who were to carry out the job of christianizing the Lithuanians, gives a description of the condition in Lithuania which motivated the Protestants:
Not without great pain, I have to state that our country, compared to others, is so dark and uncultured, not knowing piety or Christian faith. How few people can you find, who, not saying that they should know all the material in the Cathechism, can at least say one word of the Lord's Prayer. Worst of all, many publicly, in front of everybody, worship idols: trees rivers, and the grass snake.... There are some who make vows to the god Perkūnas or Thunder, other wishing to have a good crop worship Laukosargas, and to have fertile animals Zemepeta.50
The fact that some of the Lithuanians were still pagans and others only semi-christianized shocked the Protestant reformers. They placed the blame on the Catholic clergy which they claimed completely ignored the spiritual welfare and education of the peasants. The first part of the Catechism, which emphasizes the importance of the written word, reflects this attitude:
Brothers, sisters, take me and read
and reading this contemplate. This your
parents desired to have, but could not get.
They wanted to see this with their eyes, and
also hear with their ears. So, what your parents
never saw, has come to you.51
The Protestants established a vast network of schools in Lithuania. From the first school established by Kulvietis in 1539 the number grew to a point where the Synod of Vilnius established in 1627 an Educational Commission.52 This Commission had under its control all of the reform schools in the Grand Duchy. The Commission prepared regulations and had a specified curriculum for the schools at both the elementary and higher levels. This growth of the schools can be attributed to the active support given educational matters by the magnates. For example, Kristupas Radvila in 1611 gave a specific order that in areas under his control schools be established in each parish and that the schools be provided with a teacher. E. Valavičius in 1593 ordered all of his peasants to send their children ages 8-15 to schools. He specified that all children should be in school starting in the Fall, after the feast day of St. Michael. Valavičius even imposed penalties on parents who did not comply with this order.53
Of special import are the higher Protestant schools of Vilnius (1553 or 1562), Biržai (1584), Kėdainiai (1625), and Šiluva (1592).54 These schools prepared the Protestant intelligentsia: ministers, teachers, and political leaders. Their curricular offerings included the study of Latin, Roman Classics, Greek, Logic and Theology, taught over a four year period.55
The Lithuanian language was used in most of the Protestant schools.56 For example the Tauragė school, established in 1567, was ordered by its founder to use Lithuanian Samogitiarum lingua docere.57
The period between 1550 -1650 is significant in the history of Lithuanian education. The Protestants and Catholics, in an attempt to reach the peasantry, established the foundation of modern literary Lithuanian. Immediate result of the religious struggle between the Protestants and the Catholics was. the production of religious books in the Lithuanian language. Writing of Lithuanians books, in turn, resulted in a more serious study of the Lithuanian language and in the production of dictionaries and grammars.58 By the XVII century the Counter Reformation made inroads into the strong Protestant areas and the numbers of Protestants diminished. As the period of cultural stress passed and the Catholics again regained strength in the last quarter of the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries, the competitive spirit ended and with it the use of the Lithuanian language in the schools.59 The Counter Reformation was so successful that the vast majority of Protestant schools were closed. The school in Kėdainiai, for example, became polonized and the Lithuanian language ceased to be used from the start of the XVIII century. By the end of the XVIII century the school library no longer had a single Lithuanian book in its catalog.60
The protestants were directly responsible for two major landmarks of Lithuanian cultural and educational history: 1) The introduction of the Lithuanian language in an official capacity and 2) the printing of the first Lithuanian book. Jurginis' study of this period concluded that the Reformation could be considered the founding force of the Lithuanian schools, learning, and spiritual freedom.61
C. The Educational Activities of the Jesuit Order (1569 -1773)
The Protestants presented a double threat to the Catholic establishment of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: 1) not only were the nobility captured by Protestant ideas, but 2) a distinct threat presented itself in the proselytizing activity of the Protestants among the Lithuanian peasants. The Catholic Church in Lithuania was not able to counter this threat by itself, it needed the aid of the Jesuit Order.
The leader of Catholic opposition to Protestant activity in Lithuania was the Bishop of Vilnius, Valerionas Protasevičius. Bishop Protasevičius reached the conclusion that the best way to fight Protestantism was to strengthen the old schools and establish new ones. Another important objective was to establish an institution of higher learning which would not only serve as the foundation of the entire educational system, but would also attract the youth of the state and divert them from the Protestant schools in Western Europe.62 The most suitable people to undertake this task in the mind of Bishop Protasevičius were the Jesuits. They arrived in 1569.63
By 1570, the Jesuits had established in Vilnius a five class higher school.64 As the influence of the University of Königsberg grew among the youth of Lithuania and the educational demands placed on the Jesuit Order increased, the Jesuits realized that a university was of utmost importance for Lithuania.65 In 1578, King Batory granted a charter to the Jesuit school at Vilnius, recognizing that it had the same rights and privileges as the University of Krakow and all the other universities of Europe.66 Micholas Radvila, the Protestant Chancellor of the Grand Duchy, refused to affix the seal of the Grand Duchy on the document. The Vice-Chancellor, however, was forced to do it and the document was validated.67
Since the language of instruction at the University of Vilnius was Latin, the spread of Polish culture was curtailed and a favorable atmosphere was created for the development of Lithuanian culture. The Latin language was especially popular among the gentry because they considered themselves to be descendents of the ancient Romans, with the Lithuanian language being only a corrupt form of Latin. Michalonis Lituani represented the thinking of many Lithuanian nobles when he wrote in 1550, that:
The Russian language is foreign to us Lithuanians, that is Italians, originating from Roman blood. This is clear from our half-Italian language and from old Roman customs which have only recently disappeared from us... Only recently have the baptismal fires put out the holy eternal fire, which like in the Roman and Hebrew practice, was made to burn sacrifice.68
Michalonis Lituani stressed the similarity between Latin and Lithuanian words and concluded that on the basis of all indications, Lithuanians came from Rome. This theory, naturally, was very popular among the Lithuanian gentry.69
Being a Latin institution, the faculty and the student body of the University of Vilnius was cosmopolitan in make-up. In 1585, the assistant rector of the school Emanuel de Vega, was a Portuguese. Among the professors at this time were: Antonio Arias (Spanish), Stanislaus Gorzicki (Polish), Arthur Fautney, Jacob Bosgrave, and Richard Singelton (English). The cosmopolitan makeup of the student body is seen in the fact that when in 1589 Sigmund Vasa came to the university, he was greeted not only in the classical languages, but also in Italian, French, German, Polish and Lithuanian.70
The Jesuits, it must be pointed out, did not champion the use of the Polish language in Lithuania. This is in marked contrast to the parish priests, who, being for the most part Poles, pressed the use of the Polish language on the people. The Jesuits equally valued both the Polish and Lithuanian languages as important instruments for the propagation of the Catholic faith.71 At the University of Vilnius, it was ruled that Lithuanian students had to conduct practice sermons in the Lithuanian language in order to develop a polished style which would attract the Lithuanian speaking public.72
The first Catholic books which appeared in Lithuania were religious works.73 Apart from their religious content, these books contained much significant material which characterized the intellectual and cultural atmosphere of the age. One of the most important Catholic works was the Postile, a collection of homilies by Mikalojus Daukša.74 The significance of the book lies not in the actual homilies, but in the polished literary style, and in the introduction, which discusses the question of nationality an important question in the multinational Polish - Lithuanian State.75
In the sixteenth century, the dominating view in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was that a nation consisted basically of the feudal nobility, in which the peasantry did not have any importance. The nation was equated not with the people, but with the state. The essential question, therefore, was not one's ethnic background, but citizenship, which was based on territorial considerations. Any individual who lived in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, irrespective if he was a White Russian, Ukrainian, or Pole was still considered to be a Lithuanian.76
Daukša introduced an interpretation of nationality which was radically different. In his view, a nation was composed of territory, customs, and language. The most important characteristic of a nation was the language, without which it loses its individuality:
I know how all nations value, love, and treasure works written in their native tongue. Therefore, I believe, all nations are motivated to translate books from one language to another. Only our Lithuanian nation, learning the Polish language and using it, has so negated and ignored its Lithuanian language, as almost to have renounced its language.77
Daukša, aware of the gap between Polish speaking nobility and the Lithuanian speaking peasantry, was urging the nobles to learn Lithuanian:
Nations exist not just on account of the productivity of land, not on basis on differences of clothing, not because of the beauty of land, but preserving and using its language, which increases and preserves unity, peace, and brotherly love. Destroy it, you will destroy tranquility, unity and common well being.78
News of Daukša's article caused concern not only among the Calvinists in Lithuania, but among the Lutherans in Prussia as well. Notwithstanding the activity of the Protestants, the first half of the seventeenth century was dominated by the increasing activity of the Jesuits, who in growing numbers, were native Lithuanians.
The growth of religious activity on all levels in Lithuania created a need for more printed material. The Jesuits especially became aware of the need for dictionaries and grammars. The individual who held the spotlight in this field was Konstantinas Širvydas (1569 -1631), professor of the Lithuanian language at the University of Vilnius. His most important work was the Dictionary trium linguarum in usum iuventis. The University of Vilnius also prepared several Lithuanian language grammars. With these works began the systematical study of the Lithuanian language.79
To achieve victory over Protestantism the Jesuit Order focused its attention on the education of youth. The most popular college organization was based on five classes with the course lasting six years, since the fifth class took two years. The curriculum was based on the Ratio Studiorum.80 In the first class, "infima classis grammaticae," the basics of Latin and Greek were taught. In the second class, "media classis grammaticae," the course in Latin grammar was completed, and the Greek course was continued, along with reading of Cicero and Ovidius. The third class, "suprema classis grammaticae," Latin was perfected and the Greek course was completed. Along with this, students were introduced to poetry, and read Aesop, Virgil and Cicero. The first three classes were called the grammatical classes, since grammar was the only subject taught.81
In the fourth "humanitatis" class, poetry was presented, and the works of Virgil, Horatio and other classic authors were read and translated. The fifth class, "Classis rhetorica," had courses on rhetoric, mythology, history, geography, and logic. Theology was to be taught in all classes. Latin was the language of the classroom. Greek was studied through the medium of Latin. Careful attention was given to health and physical education, and special regard was given to moral and religious training.82 The most important subjects in the Jesuit schools were Latin and rhetoric. The students learned these subjects by reading the classics.
In the XVIII century the Jesuits operated 20 college type schools in the Lithuanian Province. In this same territory there also were 15 other college type schools operated by other religious orders or groups.83 The Piarists operated eight (8), the Basilians four (4), the University of Krakow had one (1), and the Protestants still maintained two (2) schools.84
The University of Vilnius had one lower school and two higher faculties. The lower school (scholae inferiores) had a course of study that lasted six years. Students completing the lower school could then apply for admission to Philosophy Faculty. Study in the Philosophy Faculty lasted three years. Upon completion students could continue their studies in the Theology Faculty. Studies in the Theology lasted four years.85 In 1644 two chairs of cannon law and two chairs of civil law were established.86
Enrollments at the University began with some 500 students in 1579. By the school year 1617 -1618 enrollments had grown to over 1200. Average enrollments at the University were 800 students per year.87 The University of Moscow, during the same time frame would have an average enrollment of some 50 students.88
The University of Vilnius89 developed into one of the leading institutions of higher learning in Western Europe.90 It was equal to the best institutions not only in the number of students, but in the level of studies as well. The professors of the University of Vilnius wrote many important works in the fields of theology, philosophy, history, the social sciences, rhetoric and astronomy. The University operated a Jesuit Theater, for which dramatic works and dialogues were prepared. In the second half of the XVIIth century academic standards at the University fell. The main reason appears to have been the successful Counter Reformation. The religious battles had been won and the University appeared to stagnate. Teaching continued using old texts. The new educational ideas which were spreading throughout Western Europe were being ignored.
D. The Educational Activities of the Piarist Order
In 1597, St. Joseph Calasanci (d. 1648), founded a free school for boys and girls in Rome. In 1621, Pope Gregory XV gave his work definite recognition by establishing a teaching order for elementary education.91 They taught reading, writing, arithmetic, and religion. In addition to the regular vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, the priest also vowed to spend and be spent in teaching the poor.92 Soon their schools were established in the cities of Northern Italy, Austria, Poland and Lithuania. In 1642, they arrived in Poland. In Lithuania the first Piarist monks established themselves in Dambrovic in 1684 and then in Liubesave in 1689. In 1736 the Piarists established their first Lithuanian province.93 Colleges were founded along side all of the monasteries, and elementary schools were established as part of their residences.
Soon after the establishment of the Province, the Piarists obtained permission to teach not only elementary grades, but the higher ones as well. This brought them into an open conflict with the Jesuits. This conflict continued almost without a break until the dissolution of the Jesuit order in 1773.94
In 1726, the Piarists founded a college in Vilnius, which caused a conflict with the Jesuits. The Jesuits had a special privilege from earlier times, which forbade other orders from establishing schools in localities where Jesuits were already established. The Jesuits brought suit against the Piarists. The suit reached Rome, and the Jesuits won their case. The Piarist college had to be closed.95 In Vilnius only their convent was left open.
The Piarists, in establishing schools similar to those of the Jesuits, became their rivals, even though they lacked an original educational program and a progressive education method. In their schools, they used the same educational system and program as that of the Jesuit schools.96 This impeded their work and success in Poland and Lithuania, since the Jesuits used many opportunities to show that the education work of the Piarists was extraneous, since it used the Jesuit methods and programs. Thus, the Jesuit schools were duplicated unnecessarily.97 This situation lasted until the reforms of Stanislas Konarski, the Piarist pedagogue.
Stanislas Konarski (1700-1777) entered a Piarist college at the age of ten. Upon completing his studies in 1715, he joined the Piarist order and in 1717 completed the novitiate. From 1722 he taught rhetoric at the Piarist college in Warsaw and at the same time was the official spokesman for the Order. His skill in rhetoric drew the interest of the Piarist leaders, who sent him to Rome to study at the Collegium Nazarenum.
The Collegiun Nazarenum had been established in 1630 by St. Joseph Calasanctius as a school for able and needy boys. With the passage of time, it became a school only for the sons of the nobility. The rector of the school Piarist Pauliw Chelucci, the noted 18th century mathematician, made the school aristocratic. The candidates were chosen from established and noted gentry families and they received the utmost in care; decorative and expensive uniforms were worn, and especially trained servants were at the disposal of the students. Chelucci reformed the curriculum; he brought in those subjects which had never been taught in a formal humanistic school. For example, modern languages as well as the native languages, arithmetic, geometry, physics and modern philosophy were introduced. The Nazarenum became a modern college, straying away from the subjects of the humanistic schools.98 Less hours were devoted to Latin, and during some classes, the native language and rhetoric, and the purity of language was stressed. Religious instruction was transferred to the church, where on Sundays and holy days the students were given sermons and catechismic instruction. New Subjects were introduced dancing, fencing, horseback riding, and ballplaying.
For those students having completed the college and still desirous of more education, Chelucci organized supplementary courses, where philosophy, civil and common law, and theology were taught.
Konarski, upon his arrival in Rome in 1725, attended the reformed Collegium Nazarenum. The organization and education program of the school made a big impression on him.
He began to study seriously and after two years the rector asked him to assume the responsibility of teaching rhetoric. The Collegium Nazarenum influenced his entire later work and his educational reforms in Poland and Lithuania. Upon the completion of his studies, he was assigned to the editorship of the Volumina Legum.99
In 1736 he returned to educational work with reform projects, but did not receive the approval of his superiors. However, in 1738 Konarski's projects received the necessary opportunity for realization. He was appointed the assistant to the Provincial and by 1740 Konarski received permission from the Superior General of the Piarist Order in Rome to establish a Collegium Nobilium in Warsaw similar to the Collegium Nazarenum in Rome.100 He was also given the task of reforming other Piarist schools.
Since the Collegium Nobilium was similar to the Collegium Nazarenum in Rome, it was created for the sons of the magnates and weathy gentry. A select number of students were admitted and a high tuition was charged. The educational program was notable in that the Latin language was de-emphasized (although in the lower grades Latin was still an important subject). Latin was now not considered an end or goal, but a means to a goal.101 Thus, Konarski recommended that beginning Latin be taught from Komenski's Janua Linguarum Reserata and Orbis Sensualium Pictus. The introduction of these types of readings indicated that Konarski valued the acquisition of more factual knowledge rather then the following of classical writing styles.102 The native language, as well as two foreign languages, French and German were introduced into the curriculum. A systematic newspaper lecture was introduced into the study of French and German. Also, along with the Polish language, French was introduced into the Collegium Nobilium Theater; during each carnival, a tragedy was played in Polish, and a comedy was played in French.103 However, the teaching of French to Konarski did not play important a role as it did to some other Western European theoretical pedagogues, who suggested that French be taught from the earliest childhood years. He gave special attention to the Polish language, which was used in the teaching of Latin, as well as Polish history, world history and geography.104 Polish was also used as an instrument for the analysis of the works of Polish authors.
The Collegium Nobilium had 5 grades, but the course of study took 8 years, since the II, IV and V grades took two years each.105 Upon completion of these grades following the example of Collegium Nazarenum, the students had the opportunity of continuing on for a 2-year supplementary course in which they studied philosophy, law, mathematics, physics, biology and astronomy.
Rhetoric was studied in the last grade at the Collegium Nobilium. The rhetorical topics were changed so that instead of honoring or praising magnates, they touched upon government and reforms. In the study of philosophy, Konarski broke away from the traditional single viewpoint since he recommended that along with scholastic philosophy, the works of modern philosophers such as Bacon, Descartes, Wolf, Locke, Spinoza also be read.106 Konarski also proved himself to be a modern historian in his method of teaching history and geography. Knowing that a lack of textbooks hindered the adequate study of these subjects, he made a list of literary works dealing with history, which includes more than 60 works, necessary for a history teacher to know. In this literature list can be found historians starting with Hugo Gracian and ending with Voltaire. S. Konarski gave the following instructions regarding the study of history: "In order to create more interest in historical literature, the rector, college prefect and professor of history must see to it that each student buys some historical works and upon reading them would lend them to other students."107
Geography as a complement to the study of history was taught after the completion of Polish and World History classes. Maps and globes were used, and the political and economic conditions of various nations were explained.108
Unlike other middle schools, which limited themselves to elementary mathematics necessary for practical life, Konarski stressed the necessity of mathematics and natural science. In the School Rules, part XIV, he writes: "In the afternoon, for one hour, during one year, higher algebra and geometry will be taught so that the students having mastered those necessary mathematical skills, would begin the physics course the following year." 109
Konarski paid special attention to religious instruction and the development of patriotism. There were religious lessons on Sunday and holidays as well as daily religious practices. Konarski felt that moral and honorable behavior and the desire to be respected should not be based on religion alone, but upon self-respect as well. Konarski made great effort to arouse social and national consciousness and especially to educate honorable citizens.110
Konarski thought that it was of greater importance to a nation to have honorable people and good citizens rather than famous orators, poets, mathematicians and philosophers. "We, just as you, see the former as an attractive and necessary decoration, but the more important and final purpose of education we consider to be the teaching of the gentry children to be honorable people and active citizens for the highest glory to God and for the support of the nation." 111
In following the advice of John Locke, that physical punishment be avoided by all means, Konarski also abstained from physically reinforced discipline. However, he was unable to avoid the observational methods of traditional education. The prefects were ordered to stay with their students at all times and places.112 The prefect, was not limited only to the negative aspects of guidance. Konarski attempted to instill in his students values necessary later in life. Among these values he listed obedience to laws and to established order which later influenced the individual's relationships with the government and honesty in relationships with others. Konarski acknowledged the equality of all human beings, but did not deny the superiority of the upper class.113 However, he emphasized that nobility should not be based on the honorable deeds of parents and ancestors, but decency, intelligence, thoughtfulness and worthy habits.
The love of one's native country and patriotism were above all other qualities which Konarski attempted to instill in his students. To accomplish this, Konarski suggested that not only the lecture method be used, but that concrete practices be discussed and understood. For example, respectful obedience to the king, law and public order.114 But nevertheless in the education of the good citizen, according to Konarski, morals do not suffice, since the student must become acquainted with the conditions under which a citizen must live.115 This was acquired during the world history and native history, civil law, philosophy and science classes.
The establishment of the Collegium Nobilium hastened school reform in Poland and Lithuania. All of the Piarist schools were reformed during the period 1750 -1753, and by 1754 the new Piarist school rules were announced, much of which was taken from the Collegium Nobilium.116 In the reformed Piarist schools may be seen the same de-emphasis of Latin language course and new subjects placed in the curriculum. Some hardship was caused by a lack of teachers knowing foreign languages. Also, no school theaters were planned.117 The schools did have laboratories, physics rooms, some had observatories, gardens, greenhouses and farms.118 The Piarists paid a great deal of attention to practical matters, such as the work of a secretary-bookkeeper, or of a gardener.119
The reforms of the Piarist schools were accepted very well by the Lithuanian gentry, This was understandable in that the reformed schools remained the schools for the noble class. B. Suchodolski evaluates Konarski's reforms as follows:
The educational activity of Konarski, although not affecting the foundation of class education, brought new and advanced elements into the schools of the time. Konarski overcame the tendency of the rich to educate their children abroad. The reform tied education in with their country and the understanding of their obligation to their country, it overcame the cosmopolitan Jesuit humanistic - rhetorical educational superficiality and brought in natural and social-science subjects into the curriculum.120
In Lithuania the Piarists had eight colleges. The newly reformed curriculum for the Lithuanian Piarist Province was prepared by Piarist J. Ciapinski in 1762.121 The curriculum for the Lithuanian Province was based entirely on the original 1750 Ordynacje of Konarski.122 It should be noted that the Piarists and their schools in Lithuania also contributed significantly to the Polonization of Lithuania. Because of the methodus docendi rule the children of the Lithuanian gentry were taught Polish as their native language.123
The educational reforms of the Piarists influenced the Jesuits of Vilnius to reorganize their educational programs.124 The Jesuits established their own Collegium Nobilium in 1751. The Vilnius Collegium Nobilium had a new and revised curriculum, which included such subjects as grammar, speech, philosophy, history, geography, and mathematics. Instruction in Latin as well as in modern languages such as French and German was provided. Using the Vilnius Collegium Nobilium as a model, the Jesuits began revising and reforming all schools under their jurisdiction to conform to the same curricular program.125 By 1773 the Jesuits had established 15 Collegia Nobilium.126
Besides the Piarist and Jesuit reforms, a number of other significant developments should be mentioned. In 1766 the Royal Military Academy (Szkolą Rycerska) was founded in Warsaw (eventually this school developed into Warsaw University and one of its graduates was Tadeusz Kosciuszka).127 The significance of this school is found in its secular organization and aims. It had a lay faculty and was independent of ecclesiastical authority. The curriculum stressed sciences and rationalistic philosophy. The school was well equipped with teaching aids, including complex astronomical models.128
Such developments as the Szkolą Rycerska stimulated further thinking about educational reforms. In Lithuania a writer in the early 1770's argued that agriculture can be improved only through a thorough knowledge of the earth sciences and that the responsibility to impart this knowledge rests with the schools. In 1773 a proposal to establish an Academy of Sciences in Vilnius suggested that more time be spent in schools on geometry, mechanical arts, geography, mining, and economics. These subjects, it was suggested, were functional for the adjustment of the individual in the socio-economic system.129
The educational reforms, initiated by the Piarists and adopted in part by the Jesuits, as well as other changes, such as lay participation in education, more scientific and practical orientation in curriculum, and an open con-concern with the problems of education, all contributed to the basis for education planning and reforms of the Commission for National Education of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (1773 -1794).130
1 Patrick J. McCormick, History of Education: A Survey of the Development of Education Theory and Practice in Ancient, Medieval, and Modern Times, Washington, D.C., The Catholic Education Press, 1946, p. 225. See also: Ellwood P.
Cubberley, Syllabus of Lectures on History of Education, Totowa, N.J., Rowan and Littlefield, 1971, XV-360.
2 McCormick, op. cit., p. 299 and Lukasza Kurdybachy, Historia Wychowania (History of Education), Vol. I, Warszawa, Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1967, p. 188.
3 A very interesting description of the seven liberal arts is one written in 819 AD by Rhabanus Maurus (784?-856). It can be found in Ellwood P. Cubberly, Readings in the History of Education: A collection of sources and readings to illustrate the development of educational practice, theory, and organization, Boston, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1920, p. 106 - 111. Confer also: Paul Abelson, The Seven Liberal Arts: A Study in Medieval Culture, Teachers College Contributions to Education No. 11, New York, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1906, p. viii - 150.
4 Lukasza Kurdybachy, op. cit., p. 252.
* The material presented in this section is more fully discussed in J. A. Račkauskas, "Pradinis Švietimas Lietuvoje iki Trečiojo Padalinimo (1795)," (Primary Education in Lithuania up to the Period of the Third Partition of 1795) in Lietuvių Tautos Praeitis Lithuanian Historical Review, Vol. III, Book 1 (9), 1971, p. 63 -134.
5 Illustrations of this complexity can be found in the following: P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, and A. Tautavičius. Lietuvos Archiloginiai Bruožai. Vilnius, Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademija, Istorijos Institutas, Valstybinė Politinės ir Mokslinės Literatūros Leidykla, 1961, 526 p.; R. Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė, Lietuvos Archiloginiai Paminklai ir jų Tyrinėjimai. Vilnius: Valstybinė Politinės ir Mokslinės Literatūros Leidykla, 1958, 182 p. Marija Gimbutas, op. cit.
6 Evidence to support this can be found in: R. Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė, op. cit., Art and certain forms during this time period are discussed in J. Jurginis, Lietuvos Meno Istorijos Bruožai (Outline of the History of Lithuanian Art), Vilnius, Valstybinė Grožinės Literatūros Leidykla, 1960, p. 13-23. The use of folklore and riddles is discussed in: G. Gučienė, "Mįslių Kelias į Vaikų Auklėjimą," (Education of Children through Riddles) in Iš Lietuvių Pedagoginės Minties Istorijos, Vilnius, Vilniaus Universitetas, Pedagogikos ir Psichologijos Katedra, 1969, p. 139 -182.
7 The first person to identify and conceptualize folk centered pedagogy in Lithuania was J. Vabalas-Gudaitis in "Iš Lietuvių Istorinės Pedagogijos," (Prom the History of Lithuanian Pedagogy) in Švietimo Darbas, 1924, Nr. 5, p. 419-429; This concept has now gained wide acceptance and is the subject of new studies by R. Vasiliauskas, "Vaikų Darbinio Auklėjimo Šaknys Lietuvos Pedagogikos Istorijoje," (Roots of teaching the work ethic to the child in the History of Lithuanian Education) in Pedagogika ir Psichologija, Vol. XII (1973), p. 107- 118; and M. Lazauskienė, "Kai kurie Lietuvių Liaudies Pedagogikos Tyrinėjimo Klausimai," (Some Research Questions Deal-ling with Lithuanian Folk Pedagogy) in Pedagogika ir Psychologija, Vol. XI (1971), p. 103-108. The classic work on this subject is: A. J. Todd, The Primitive Family as an Educational Agency, New York, G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1913.
8 Confer: I. L. Kandel, The New Era in Education: A Comparative Study, Cambridge, Riverside Press, 1955, p. 22. Kandel states that the transmission of the cultural heritage of a group from one generation to another is a universal purpose of education. It is obvious, he states, that a common language of discourse and common objects of social allegiance are essentials needed to insure the stability and security of any community.
9 A. M. Kazamias and B. G. Massialas, Tradition and Change in Education: A Comparative Study, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965, p. 28.
10 V. Pašuta and I. Stal, op. cit.
11 A. Šapoka ed., Lietuvos Istorija (History of Lithuania, Fell-back Wurttemberg, Patria, 1950, p. 72 - 74. See also: Viktoras Gidžiūnas, "Vienuolijos Lietuvoje IX - XV amžiais," (Monastic Orders in Lithuania IX - XV centuries) in Actes du Sixieme Congres de I'Academie Lithuanienne Catholique des Sciences, 1969, Roma, p. 242-276.
12 The literature often cites the 1397 Chronicle of Konrad von Kyburg as reference for statements that additional schools were established prior to 1397 by Franciscan Monks in Lithuania. For example: Ks. Jan Kurczewski, Biskupstwo Wilenskie, Vilnius, 1912, p. 271 and Mykolas Biržiška, "Lietuvių Mokykla ligi XVIII a. pabaigos," (Lithuanian Schools up to the end of the XVIII century) in Laisvosios Valandos, 1918, Kovo 26, Nr. 3(6). This Chronicle has now been proven to be a forgery. Mykolas Biržiška in 1938 notes this fact in: "Lietuvių Mokykla ligi XVIII a. Pabaigos," (Lithuanian Schools up to the end of the XVIII century) in Iš Mūsų Kultūros ir Literatūros Istorijos, II Vol., Kaunas, Vytauto Didžiojo Universiteto Humanitarinių Mokslų Fakulteto Leidinys, 1938, p. 173 -177, note comment in footnote on page 173. For a complete discussion of the Kyburg matter confer: Zenonas Ivinskis, "Kiburg," Lietuvių, Enciklopedija, Vol. XI, sub verbum.
13 A copy of this document is reproduced in: A. Raulinaitis, "Medžiaga Lietuvos Mokyklų Istorijai: Apie Pirmąją Katedrinę Mokyklą," (Sources for the Study of the History of Lithuanian Schools: The first Cathedral School) in Pedagogika ir Psychologija, Vol. VI (1964), p. 113. The original document is indexed LTSR MA Rankraščių Skyrius, VKF, Nr. 2 in the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences Library in Vilnius. A transcription of this document can be found in Jan Kurczewski, Kosciol Zamkowy: Zrodla Historyczne na Podstawie Aktow Kapitulnyczne i dokumentow Historycznych Opracowal Ksiadz Jan Kurczewski, (Church in the Castle: Historical Sources based on the Acts of the Capitulary and Historical Documents prepared by Jan Kurczewski), Vilnius, Naklad i druk Josefa Zawodzkiego, MCMVX (1910), Part II, p. 18.
14 Raulinaitis, op. cit., p. 111 -112.
15 Simas Sužiedėlis, "Švietimas ir Auklėjimas: Švietimas Didžiojoje Lietuvos Kunigaikštijoje," (Education and Pedagogy: Education in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) in Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. XV, p. 745. A copy of this order is reproduced in: K. Jablonskis, J. Jurginis, and J. Žiugžda (eds.) Lietuvos TSR Istorijos Šaltiniai (Historical Sources of the Lithuanian SSR), Vol. I, Vilnius, Valstybinė Politinės ir Mokslinės Literatūros Leidykla, 1955, p. 163-164, document No: 201.
16 "Lietuvos Mokyklos Istorijos Apybraiža 3", (Outline His tory of Lithuanian Schools) in Tarybinis Mokytojas, 15 Lapk. 1968, Nr. 91 (1346).
17 Adolfas Šapoka, "Kultūriniai Lietuvių Lenkų Santykiai Jogailos Laikais," (Cultural Relations between Lithuania and Poland during the Reign of Jogaila) in Jogaila, Kaunas, Švietimo Ministerijos Knygų Leidimo Komisijos Leidinys Nr. 450, Šviesos Spaustuvė, 1935, p. 284.
18 Album Studiosorum Universitatis Cracowiensis, Vol. I, Cracoviae, 1887, p. 63.
19 Šapoka, Jogaila, p. 285; Confer: A. Karbowiak, Dzieje Wychowania i Szkol w Polsce (History of Education and Schools in Poland), Petersburg, 1903, Vol. II, p. 56, 76 and 111-114.
20 "Lietuvos Mokyklos Istorijos Apybraiža 3," (Outline History of Lithuanian Schools), Tarybinis Mokytojas, 15 Lapk. 1968, Nr. 1 (1346).
21 Šapoka, Jogaila, p. 285.
22 Sužiedėlis, op. cit., p. 745.
23 "Lietuvos Mokyklos Istorijos Apybraiža 3." loc. cit.; and J. Laužikas, "Pirmųjų Mokyklų Atsiradimo Lietuvoje ir jų Pobūdžio Tirtini Klausimai" (Research Questions Concerning the Establishment and the Characteristics of the First Schools in Lithuania) in Mokyklų Mokslinio Tyrimo Instituto Mokslinės Konferencijos Pranešimų Tezės, Vilnius, Lietuvos TSR Švietimo Ministerija, Mokyklų Mokslinio Tyrimo Institutas, 1964, p. 60-61.
24 Confer: "1528 m. Lietuvių Kalbos Vartojimo Uždraudimas Bažnytinėse Krikštijimo Apeigose; bažnytinių mokyklų steigimas," (1528 Order Forbidding the use of Lithuanian in Baptism and the Establishment of Church Schools) in K. Jablonskis, J. Jurginis, and J. Žiugžda (eds.), Lietuvos TSR Istorijos Šaltiniai, Vol. I, Vilnius, Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademija, Istorijos ir Teisės Institutas, Valstybinė Politinės ir Mokslinės Literatūros Leidykla, 1955, p. 164 -165, document No. 203.
25 "Lietuvos Mokyklos Istorijos Apybraiža 3" loc. cit.
26 Jan Kurczewski, Wiadomosci o Szkolach Parafialnych w djecezji Wilenskiej (Known Parish Schools in the Diocese of Vilnius), Wilnie, Rocznik Tow przyaciol Nauk w Wilnie, 1908, Vol. II, p. 19, also, J. Kurczewski, Kosciol Zamkowy: Czesc III. Streszczenie Aktow Kapituly Wilenskiej Opracowal x Jan Kurczewski (Church in the Castle: Part III. Summary of the Acts of the Vilnius Capitulary prepared by x Jan Kurczewski), Vilnius, Drukiem Jozefa Zawadzkiego, MCMXVI (1916), p. 8, 20, and 27; also J. Kurczewski, Biskupstwo Wilenskie, p. 272 - 274; and Šapoka, Jogaila, p. 284.
27 M. Balinski, Dawna Akademija Wilenska, p. 26.
28 Viktoras Gidžiūnas, "Katalikų Bažnyčia Lietuvoje: Didžiojo Lietuvos Kunigaikštijoje," (The Catholic Church in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) in Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. XV, p. 134; This number is established by Gidžiūnas, but Ivinskis does not present such a high figure: Confer: Zenonas Ivinskis, "Parapijos D. L. Kunigaikštijoje," (Parishes in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) in Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. XXI, p. 536 - 537. Krasauskas in his analytic study of the Catholic Church has similar figures: Confer: Rapolas Krasauskas, "Katalikų Bažnyčia Lietuvoje XVI - XVII amžiuje Nuosmukio Priežastys ir Atgimimo Veiksniai," (Die Katholische Kirche in Litauen im XVI - XVII Jahrhundert die Ursachen des Verfalls und die Faktoren des Aufschwungs) in Actes du Sixieme Congres de l'Academie Lituanienne Catholique des Sciences, 1969, Roma, p. 189 - 242.
29 Jurgis Gimbutas, "Lietuvos Bažnyčių Chronologija ir Statistika," (Chronology and Statistics of Church Construction in Lithuania) in Etudes de l'Academie Lituanienne Catholique des Sciences, Vol. V., (1970), Roma, p. 215 - 260. See: "Lietuvos Bacnyčių Statybų Chronologija," Chronology of Church Building in Lithuania), from the first church in Vilnius (1320) up to the 199th church in Gervėčiuose in 1526, p. 227 to 234.
30 Adolfas Šapoka, Jogaila, p. 284.
31 For text of this document see: "D. K. Žygimanto Senojo raštas Žiežmarių vietininkui," (Letter of Grand Duke Žygimantas to the Viceroy at Žiežmaras) in K. Jablonskis, J. Jurginis, and J. Žiugžda, (eds.), Lietuvos TSR Istorijos šaltiniai, Vol. L, p. 164, document No. 202.
32 Confer: Zenonas Ivinskis, "Žemaičių (Medininkų) Vyskupijos Įkūrimas (1417) ir Jos Reikšmė Lietuvių Tautai (1417-1967)" (Medininkai The Bishopric of Samogitia (Žemaičiai) Its founding (1417) and its significance for Lithuania (1417-1967), Actes Du Septieme Congres De I'Academie Lituanienne Catholique des Sciences, Roma, 1972, p. 55 -132.
33 Vyskupas Motiejus Volonczauskis (Valančius), Žemaičių Vyskupystė (The Bishopric of Samogitia), Shenandoah, PA, Garso Amerikos Lietuvių Spaustuvė, 1897, p. 129, para: 144. In the 1848 edition of this book see Vol. II, p. 7.
34 Ibid., p. 130, para: 145. It should be pointed out that from the XVI century more and more Polish language instruction enters into the schools: Confer: "Lietuvių Mokyklų Istorijos Apybraiža 4", Tarybinis Mokytojas, Nr. 92 (1347). Lapk. 20, 1968.
35 Vaclovas Biržiška, "Abraomas Kulvietis," Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. VIII, Sub. verbum.
36 K. Korsakas, Lietuvių Literatūros Istorija (History of Lithuanian Literature), Vilnius, Valstybinė Politinės ir Mokslinės Literatūros Leidykla, 1957, p. 102.
37 V. Laurinaitis, "Lietuvių Evangelikų Reformatų Mokyklos," (Lithuanian Evangelical Reform Schools), in Pedagogika ir Psichologija, Vol. XII, 1973, p. 122.
38 Konstantinas Jablonskis, Lietuvių Kultūra ir Jos Veikėjai, p. 22-55. See also: J. Gvildys, "Lietuvos Švietimas Praeityje: Lietuvos Mokyklos ligi Jėzuitų Gadynės Nekatalikų Mokyklos" (Education in Lithuania's Past: Lithuanian Schools up to the Jesuit Era Non-Catholic Schools), in Lietuvos Mokykla, 1929, No. 2, p. 54 - 55.
39 Confer: See Original document dated 19 May 1542: "D. K. Žygimanto Senojo Raštas Prieš Abraomą Kulvietį ir Kitus Protestantus, Patvirtinąs Vilniaus Vyskupui Teisę juos teisti ir bausti," (The Order of Grand Duke Žygimantas Against Abraomas Kulvietis and other Protestants, Confirming on the Bishop of Vilnius the Power to Try and Sentence) in K. Jablonskis, J. Jurginis, and J. Žiugžda (eds.), Lietuvos TSR Istorijos Šaltiniai, Vol. I., p. 165, document No: 204.
40 Jurgis Jurginis, Renasansas ir Humanizmas Lietuvoje (Renaissance and Humanism in Lithuania), Vilnius, Vaga, 1965, p. 14.
41 Ibid., p. 121. See also: Petras Jonikas, "Lietuvos studentų Pavardės XV - XVIII amž. Europos Universitetuose," (Lithuanian Student Surnames in European Universities from XV-XVIII centuries), in Lituanistikos Darbai, Vol. III, 1973, p. 201-216. See also: Adolfas Šapoka, "Kur Senovėje Lietuviai Mokslo Ieškojo," (Where Did Lithuanians Seek Education in Older Times), in Židinys, Vol. XXII, No. 10 (130), Spalio mėn. 1935, p. 316-327, and No. 11 (131), Lapk. mėn. 1935, p. 417-430.
42 Zenonas Ivinskis, "Merkelis Giedraitis," Aidai, 1951, p. 168.
43 Jonas Bičiūnas, "Pirmieji Jėzuitai Vilniuje: Vilniaus Vyskupo V. Protasevičiaus Kviečiami Atvyksta Pirmieji Jėzuitai į Vilnių (1568)" (First Jesuits in Vilnius: Invited by the Bishop of Vilnius V. Protasevičius The First Jesuits Arrive in Vilnius (1568), in Tautos Praeitis, Vol. II, No. 2(6), 1965, p. 66 - 67.
44 Confer: Simas Sužiedėlis, "Radvilai: Mikalojus Juodasis (Mikaloj Czarny Radziwill) in Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. XXIV, p. 390-394.
45 The printing press of Prince Radvila established in Brest-Litovsk was transferred to Vilnius in 1576. The statement "Ex typis N. Radzivill" was last used in 1593. From 1594 the statement "Ex typis Academicis" or "Vilnae S. J." appears on publications. This original Calvinist press became the press of the Jesuit Academy of Vilnius and was used in the counterreformation. Confer: N. Feigelmanas (Comp.), Senoji Lietuviška Knyga Vilniaus Universitete (Old Lithuanian Books at the University of Vilnius), Vilnius, Vilniaus Valstybinis V. Kapsuko Universitetas, Mokslinė Biblioteka, 1959, p. 124.
46 J. Lebedys, Mikalojus Daukša, Vilnius, Valstybinė Grožinės Literatūros Leidykla, 1963, p. 29.
47 K. Korsakas and J. Lebedys, Lietuvių Literatūros Istorijos Chrestomatija (Readings from History of Lithuanian Literature), Vilnius, Valstybinė Grožinės Literatūros Leidykla, 1957, p. 478.
48 Vaclovas Biržiška, Lietuviškų Knygų Istorijos Bruožai, I Dalis: Senosios Lietuviškos Knygos, (Main Points in the History of Lithuanian Books: Part I, the Old Lithuanian Books), Kaunas, "Spaudos Fondas," 1939, p. 33 - 36.
49 K. Korsakas and J. Lebedys, op. cit., p. 37 and Gordon B. Ford, Jr., The Old Lithuanian Catechism of Martynas Mažvydas (1547), p. 5.
50 K. Korsakas and J. Lebedys, op. cit., p. 38.
51 Ibid., p. 39.
52 V. Laurinaitis, op. cit., 123.
53 See: "Pono E. Valavičiaus, evangeliko, nuostatai savo Naujamiesčio dvaro, Upytės pav., valstiečiams dėl bažnyčios lankymo ir mokyklos." (Order of E. Valavičius, a Protestant, to the peasant at Naujamiestis to attend School and go to Church), in K. Jablonskis, J. Jurginis, and J. Žiugžda (eds.), Lietuvos TSR Istorijos Šaltiniai, Vol. I, p. 242, document No. 273.
54 Kristupas Gudaitis, "Evangelikų Bažnyčios Lietuvoje," (Protestant Churches in Lithuania), Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. XV, p. 176.
55 V. Laurinaitis, op. cit., p. 129 -130.
56 Ignė Lukšaitė, "Lietuvių Kalba Reformaciniame Judėjime XVII amž.," (The Lithuanian Language in the Reformation Movement XVII Century), Vilnius, Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Aka demijos Istorijos Institutas, Acta Historica Lituanica, Vol. 5, 1970, p. 39 - 47.
57 M. Valančius, op. cit., p. 130.
58 Confer: Vaclovas Biržiška, Aleksandrynas: Senųjų Lietuvių Rašytojų, Rašiusių Prieš 1865 m., Biografijos, Bibliografijos ir Biobibliografijos, (Aleksandrynas: Biographies, Bibliographies, and Bio-bibliographies of Old Lithuanian Authors to 1865), Vol. I (16th and 17th Centuries), Chicago, Institute of Lithuanian Studies Lithuanian-American Cultural Funds, Inc., 1960, xv-431.
59 Ignė Lukšaitė, op. cit., p. 47.
60 V. Laurinaitis, op. cit., p. 140.
61 J. Jurginis, Humanizmas ir Renesansas Lietuvoje, p. 82.
62 Jonas Bičiūnas, "Pirmieji Jėzuitai Vilniuje: Vilniaus Vyskupo V. Protasevičiaus Kviečiami Atvyksta Pirmieji Jėzuitai į Vilnių (1568)," p. 66. See also: Jonas Bičiūnas, "Apaštalų Sosto ir Jėzuitų Ordino Pirmieji Bandymai Jėzuitus Įkurdinti Lietuvoje (1555-1565)" (First Attempts of the Holy See and the Jesuit Order to Establish the Jesuits in Lithuania (1555-1565), in Tautos Praeitis, Vol. II, No. 1(5), 1964, p. 33-47.
63 Paulius Rabikauskas, "Medžiaga Senojo Vilniaus Universiteto Istorijai: IV: Pirmieji Jėzuitai Vilniuje ir Pirmieji Lietuviai Jėzuitai (1569-1573)," (Pirmi Societatis Iesu socii in Collegio Vilnensi et primi eius socii lituani (1569-1573), in Etudes de I'Academie Lituanienne Catholique des Sciences, Vol. V, (1970), Roma, p. 301-338.
64 Paulius Rabikauskas, "Medžiaga Senojo Vilniaus Universiteto Istorijai," (Materials pertaining to the history of the old Vilnius University) in Etudes de I'Academie Lituanienne Catholique des Sciences, Vol. III, (1967), Roma, p. 221-245, pages 246 - 266 contain transcriptions of Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Pol. 75 fol. 316r-319r document entitled: Informatio de Nova Collegio Vilnensi Facta Mense Septembri 1570.
65 Paulius Rabikauskas, "Medžiaga Senojo Vilniaus Universiteto Istorijai: (Materials pertaining to the history of the old Vilnius University) II: Inventorium bonorum Collegii Vilnensis (1573); III: Indices Privilegiorum et contractuum Collegii Vilnensis (1574-1575 et 1586)," in Etudes de I'Academie Lituanienne Catholique des Sciences, Vol. IV, (1968) Roma, p. 321-368.
66 "Karaliaus Stepono Batoro Privilegija Jėzuitų Akademijai Vilniuje," (Privilege granted by King Steponas Batoras to the Jesuit Academy of Vilnius), in K. Jablonskis, J. Jurginis, and f. Žiugžda, (eds.), Lietuvos TSR Istorijos Šaltiniai, Vol. I., p. 241, document 271 dated 1 April 1579.
67 Mykolas Biržiška, Senasis Vilniaus Universitetas, (The Old University of Vilnius), London, Nida Press, 1955, p. 4-5.
68 Michalonis Lituani, De Moribus Tartororum, Lituanorum et Moschorum: Fragmina X, Multiplici Historia Referta, Basileae, Apud Contradum Waldkirchium, MDCXV, p. 23-25. This entire publication has been photo-reproduced in K. Korsakas, et. al. (eds.), Mykolas Lietuvis Apie Totorių, Lietuvių ir Maskvėnų Papročius: Dešimt Įvairaus Istorinio Turinio Fragmentų, Vilnius, Vaga, 1966, 137 p.
69 K. Korsakas and J. Lebedys, op. cit., p. 227.
70 V. Biržiška, op. cit., p. 11.
71 Antanas Rukša, "Dėstomosios Kalbos ir Lietuvių Kalbos Klausimas Senajame Vilniaus Universitete," Languages of Instruction and the Use of Lithuanian at the Old University of Vilnius), in Lietuvių Tautos Praeitis, Vol. III, Book 10, 1973, p. 53-81.
72 A. Bendžius, J. Kubilius, J. Žiugžda, (eds.), Vilniaus Universitetas, (The University of Vilnius), Vilnius, Mintis, 1966, p. 35 and Juozas Bulavas, Vilniaus Universitetas (The University of Vilnius), Vilnius, Valstybinė Politinės ir Mokslinės Literatūros Leidykla, 1956, p. 24.
73 Vaclocas Biržiška, Senųjų Lietuviškų Knygų Istorija (History of Old Lithuanian Books), Chicago, The Lithuanian Literary Society of Chicago, 1953, p. 178.
74 Confer: Kanauninkas Mikalojus Daukša, Prakalba (Introduction), Chicago, Pedagoginis Lituanistikos Institutas, 1963, 23 p. This publication reproduces the introduction to the Postile in translation.
75 J. Lebdys, Mikalojus Daukša, p. 283.
77 Ibid., p. 65.
78 Ibid., p. 66.
79 J. Bulavas, op. cit., p. 26; K. Širvydas, Dictionarivm Trivm in vsum studiosae iuuentutis, auctore Constantino Szyrvid, Vilnius, Akademijos Spaustuvė, 1629, 216 p. For a complete description and listing of all publications of this period consult: Lietuvos TSR Ministrų Tarybos Valstybinis Spaudos Komitetas, Lietuvos TSR Knygų Rūmai, Lietuvos TSR Bibliografija: Serija A Knygos Lietuvių Kalba 1547-1861 the Lithuanian Language 1547-1861), Vol. 1, Vilnius, Mintis, 1969, LXIII-728 plus plates.
80 Paulius Rabikauskas, "Ratio Studiorum," Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. XXIV, sub. verbum.; Edward Fitzpatrick, St. Ignatius and the Ratio Studiorum, New York, Macmillan, 1933; Karl Kehrback, Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, Berlin, Weidmann, from 1886 various volumes present the different editions of the Ratio Studiorum; William J. McGucken, The Jesuits and Education, Milwaukee, Bruce, 1932. For a discussion of the specific educational method applied to the University of Vilnius see: J. Jurginis, "Pedagogikos Praktika Vilniaus Akademijoje," (Educational Practice in the Academy of Vilnius), in Kai Kurie Lietuvos TSR Pedagoginės Minties ir Švietimo Istorijos Klausimai, Vilnius, LTSR Švietimo Ministerija, Mokyklų Mokyklinio Tyrimo Institutas, Vilnius, 1965, p, 6-9.
81 A. Šidlauskas, "Istorija XVIII a. Lietuvos Jėzuitų Mokyklose" (History in XVIII century Jesuit Schools in Lithuania) in J. Lebedys, (ed.) Kultūrų Kryžkelėje, Vilnius, "Mintis," 1970, p. 179.
82 Ellwood P. Cubberley, The History of Education, p. 341.
83 Viktoras Gidžiūnas, "Vienuolijos Lietuvoje XIII - XX amžiuje" (Religious Orders and Congregations in Lithuania) in Etudes de I'Academie Lituanienne Catholique des Sciences, Vol. V, (1970), Roma, p. 261-299.
84 Šidlauskas, "Istorija XVIII a. Lietuvos Jėzuitų Mokyklose," p. 178.
85 Antanas Rukša, "1570 m. Vilniaus Kolegijos ir 1583 - 1584 m. Akademijos Laisvųjų Menų Pamokų Lentelės ir Humanistinė Jėzuitų Mokykla." (Schedules for Liberal Arts Instruction for 1570 at Vilnius College and 1583 -1584 at the Academy of Vilnius and the Jesuit School of Humanities), in Tautos Praeitis, Vol. II, Book 3-4 (7-8), 1967, p. 95-122.
86 Antanas Rukša, "Lietuvos Universitetų Istorija" (History of Lithuanian Universities), in Pranas Čepėnas, ed., Lietuvos Universitetas 1579-1803-1922, Chicago, Lietuvių Profesorių Draugija Amerikoje, 1972, p. 22.
87 Paulius Rabikauskas, "Vilniaus Akademija (Academia Vilnensis Collegium Academicum Vilnense, Collegium Vilnensis Societatis Iesu)," Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. XXXIV, p. 134.
88 Rukša, "Lietuvos Universitetų Istorija," p. 33.
89 The academy of Vilnius should be referred to as the University of Vilnius. For example most Latin source documents refer to the University of Cracow as "Academia Cracoviensis" and "Academia Vilnensis." For a complete discussion of this matter see: Paulius Rabikauskas, "Medžiaga Senojo Vilniaus Universiteto Istorijai," p. 222 - 226.
90 The academic level and scientific achievements of the University of Vilnius in comparison to other Western European Universities are discussed in Paulius Rabikauskas, "Mokslinė Pažanga Vilniaus Akademijoje" (Wissenschaftlicher Fortschritt an der Vilniuser Universitat 1579-1773), Actes du Septieme Congres de l'Academie Lituanienne Catholique des Sciences, Roma, 1972, p. 203 - 234.
91 Formally named: Ordo Clericorum Regularium Pauperum Matris Dei Scholarum Piarum.
92 William J. Rose, Stanislas Konarski: Reformer of Education in XVIII Century Poland, London, Jonathan Cape, 1929, p.149.
93 Volonczauskis, op. cit., p. 183.
94 Rose, op. cit., p. 152,
95 Viktoras Gidžiūnas, "Pijorai," Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. XXII, p. 480.
96 Stanislaw Bednarski, Upadek i Odrodzenie Szkol Jezuickich w Polsce: Studium z Dziejow Kultury i Szkolnictwa Polskiego. Krakow, Wydawnictwo Ksiezy Jezuitow - Drukarnia "Przeglądu Powszechnego," 1933, p. 198.
97 Lukasz Kudybacha, Stanislaw Konarski: Pisma Pedagogiczne (Pedagogical Works of Stanislaw Konarski), Wroclaw, Zaklad Narodowy imienia Ossolinskich Wydawnictwo Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1959, p. ix.
98 Ibid., p. x.
99 Wiliam Rose, "Stanislaw Konarski: Preceptor of Poland," in Slavonic Review, Vol. IV, No. 10 (June, 1925), p. 28.
100 A. Šidlauskas, "Mokyklų Reforma Lietuvoje XVIII a. Pabaigoje" (School Reform in Lithuania toward the end of the XVIIIth century, in Lietuvos TSR Mokslų Akademijos Darbai, Serija A, Vol. 2, No. 13 (1962), p. 41.
101 Rose, "Stanislaw Konarski: Preceptor of Poland," p. 34.
102 Lukasz Kurdybaeha, Historia Wychowania, Vol. L, p. 591.
104 Ibid., p. 594.
105 Ibid., p. 591.
106 Kurdybacha, Stanislavo Konarski: Pisma Pedagogiczne, p. xxxviii.
107 Quote from Šidlauskas, "Istorija XVIII a. Lietuvos Jėzuitų Mokyklose," p. 189.
108 Kurdabacha, Historia Wychowania, Vol. I, p. 594.
109 Stanislaw Konarski, Pisma Pedagogiczne (Pedagogical Works), Wroclaw, Ossolinskich, 1959, p. 351. The citation is from his: Ordynacje Wizytacji Apostolskiej dla Collegium Nobilium, Part XIV, para. 129.
110 Confer: Stanislaw Konarski, Wybor Pism Politycznych (Selected works on Politics), ed. by Wladyslawa Konopczynskiego, Krakow, Nakladem Krakowskiej Spolki Wydawniczej, Bibljoteka Narodowa Nr. 35, Serja 1, n.d.
111 Stanislaw Konarski, Pisma Pedagogiczne, p. 462 - 463. The citation is from his: Mowa: Jak od Wczesnej Mlodosci Wychowywac Uczciwego Czlowieka i Dobrego Obywatela.
112 Kurdybaeha, Stanislaw Konarski: Pisma Pedagogiczne, p. xxviii.
113 Ibid., p. xxx.
114 Confer: Rose, Stanislaw Konarski: Reformer of Education, p. 223-272.
115 Kurdybacha, Stanislaw Konarski: Pisma Pedagogiczne, p. xxxi.
116 Rose, Stanislaw Konarski: Reformer of Education, p. 188-189.
117 Kurdybacha, Historia Wychowania, Vol. I, p. 597.
118 Rose, Stanislaw Konarski: Reformer of Education, p. 218.
119 Confer: Simas Sužiedėlis, "Pijorų Mokyklos ir Nauja Švietimo Linkmė" (Piarist Schools and the New Direction in Education), Lietuvių Enciklopedija, Vol. XV, p. 748-749.
120 B. Suchodolski, Studia z Dziejow Polskiej Mysli Filoficznej i Naukowej, Wroclaw, Ossolińskich, 1959, p. 327.
121 The plan was prepared in 1762 in Vilnius under the title: Methodus docendi pro Scholis Piis Provintiae Lithuanae.
122 Lukasz Kurdybacha, "Reforma Litewskich Szkol Pijarskich w 1762." (The Reform of the Piarist Schools of Lithuania in 1762), in Rozprawy z Dziejow Oswiaty, Vol. XV (1972), p. 3-23.
123 For a brief discussion of the methodus docendi see: Gidžiūnas, "Pijorai," p. 479, regarding the use of language see Sužiedėlis, "Pijorų Mokyklos ir Nauja Švietimo Linkmė," p. 749.
124 K. Jablonskis, Lietuvių Kultūra ir jos Veikėjai, p. 318.
125 Bednarski, Upadek Odrodzenie Szkol Jezuickich w Polsce, p. 371.
126 "Lietuvos Mokyklos Istorijos Apybraiža 12," in Tarybinis Mokytojas, No. 103, December 27, 1968, p. 3.
127 For a historical sketch of the organization, development, and role of this Academy see Andizej Zohorski, "Szkolą Rycerska," Kultura, Vol. IV (1966), Number 9 (142), p. 1-9.
128 B. Suchodolski, op. cit., p. 114; and J. Lukaszewicz, Historya szkol w Koronie i w Wielkiem Ksiestwie Litewskiem od najdawniejszych czasow az do roku 1794, Poznan, Nakl. Ksiegarni J. K. Zupamskiego, 1849 - 1851 4 volumes, Vol. I, p. 81 - 82.
129 "Lietuvos Mokyklos Istorijos Apybraiža 12," op. cit., p. 3.
130 See: J. A. Račkauskas, "The Educational Commission of Poland and Lithuania 1773 - 1794: 200th Anniversary of its Establishment," Lituanus, Vol. 19, No. 4, Winter, 1973, pp. 63-70. Also: J. A. Račkauskas, "The First National System of Education in Europe: The Educational Commission of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania 1773-1794)," Lituanus, Vol. XIV, No. 4, Winter, 1968, p. 5-54.